Honest at home and a brigand elsewhere
Carlos Alberto Montaner
(FIRMAS PRESS)
One decade ago, Argentine analyst Gerardo Bongiovanni predicted that the
presence of multinational corporations in Latin America would substantially
reduce the levels of corruption in the region. The theory seemed reasonable.
If these companies came from societies where lawful behavior was the rule,
once they settled in Ibero-America they would, by their example, help make
public life decent in those countries. They would act as irradiative sources
of what today is called “corporate responsibility” -- in other words, the
idea that businessmen are not exempt from adhering to a code of ethics, the
same as is expected from doctors, lawyers or any other professionals.
With some
melancholy, Bongiovanni has just rectified his opinion in a forum organized
in Madrid by the International Foundation for Liberty. The opposite has
happened. The multinational corporations -- U.S., European and Asian -- have
adapted to the rotten Latin American habits and, with few exceptions, pay
kickbacks and break the rules, hiding behind the argument that that's the
only way to do business in the region. Either they pay or they go, because
only by bribing dishonest officials can they win public bids. Naturally, not
all countries operate with the same degree of corruption. In Chile, Uruguay
and Costa Rica, the governments' habits are a lot healthier, according to
Transparency International, an organization that evaluates the honesty of
nations worldwide.
Corruption
causes dual harm. On one hand, it raises transaction costs. If an
international communications or energy company hands out millions of dollars
to the functionaries and politicians who have guaranteed it an advantageous
position in the local market, undoubtedly that money will be added to the
fees charged to the final consumers. Corruption costs the businessman
nothing. It doesn't come out of his pocket; it is paid by the defenseless
consumers, either directly or through taxes.
The intangible
damage is worse, however. In societies where corruption is rampant, and
where the culprits are never or rarely punished, the population becomes
totally cynical and distances itself from the State. How can we feel that
the public sector belongs to us and has been freely set aside for our
benefit, when it serves only to enrich the ruling class? Through that moral
crack slip the Chávezes and the Moraleses of this world. That is why
military coups or the violent acts of rebels have a certain popular support
in Latin America. They are seen as aggressions not against the rule of law
but against injustice and peculation. For the same reason, the corruption of
multinationals is not only an economic crime but also a serious assault on
democracy.
It makes no
sense for the developed nations to persecute money laundering at home while
the most important international companies participate abroad in a form of
crime that is even more destructive and harmful. How can this problem be
alleviated? With exemplary sanctions, obviously. If the European Union has
imposed multimillion-dollar fines on Microsoft (U.S.), Siemens (Germany) and
Telefónica (Spain) for throttling their competitors, how much should those
multinationals pay for their even worse practices in Latin America? Isn't it
a lot worse to buy presidents, ministers and legislators in an effort to
manipulate the market?
The argument
that that's the only way to do business in the Third World is not valid. If
we are not willing to allow a doctor to deceive his patients, a lawyer to
lie to his clients or to the courts, we musn't grant businessmen carte
blanche to engage in trickery abroad. If breaking the law is the only road
ahead, it is preferable not to take it and to concentrate entrepreneurial
activities where the game is fair. It is not acceptable to be an honest
person at home and a brigand in someone else's.
July 26, 2007
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