Obama, or,
history in black and white
By
Carlos Alberto Montaner
March 20, 2008
(FIRMAS PRESS) Obama couldn't keep the issue of race
from entering the campaign debate. Until then, he was a young, well-educated
young man, a notable speaker with an attractive personality, seen as a
liberal within the Democratic Party. He is, of course, an African-American,
but that element was seen as something positive. Obama's possible triumph
was somehow perceived as the definitive overcoming of an old conflict, whose
point of departure was the Emancipation Proclamation signed by Lincoln in
1863, a document that originated the very long, tortuous and sometimes
heroic process of the gradual incorporation of the black population to
American society, on a footing of equality.
The controversy began with Obama's wife, Michelle, who
is also educated and brilliant. She made a comment that many considered to
be unpatriotic. She said that for the first time in her life she felt proud
of the United States. Then she apologized and placed the remark in a
different context. Later appeared the incendiary sermons of pastor Jeremiah
Wright, Obama's spiritual leader, an extremist Christian minister who
espouses what he calls “the theology of black liberation.”
Wright feels he is the victim of some historical
offenses he considers practically insuperable and opines that the United
States provoked Al Qaeda's attacks on the Twin Towers with its cruel and
selfish past behavior. The minister proposes that African-Americans sing
“God Damn America” instead of “God Bless America.” Obama denied sharing his
pastor's point of view. Wright “is like an old uncle who says things I don't
always agree with,” the candidate said.
It was impossible for the issue of race not to have
leaped to the foreground of the electoral fray. After all, the so-called
Founding Fathers, the patricians who gave content and form to the United
States in the late 18th Century, were white males of British origin,
generally Protestant, educated, economically powerful, and many of them
owned slaves (at least 14 of the 55 who signed the 1787 Constitution.) It is
not accidental, then, that the 43 U.S. presidents from George Washington in
1789 to George W. Bush in 2001 have invariably shared (more or less) those
same ethnic and cultural features.
From those origins, a patriotic discourse was built,
crafted with novel-like episodes, exemplary biographies, myths, battlefield
and civic feats: the Boston Tea Party, the battle of Yorktown, Washington's
honesty, Jefferson's intelligence, Madison's legal mind, Tom Paine's
libertarian zeal, Franklin's wisdom, and a thousand other harmless and
constructive anecdotes. Above all, the cult of the moral superiority of the
then-young republic -- the land of the free and the home of the brave.
To be an American, in addition to coming under the
protection and authority of the law, meant the spiritual burden of assuming
the national heritage as one's own. Therefrom derived the secret links of
the tribe, the ties that thrill and bind human beings, the bonds that
explain people's emotion at the sound of the national anthem and the sight
of the waving flag.
How does Obama fit into a history that is obviously
strange and remote to him? The ethnic group to which he belongs is not part
of that epic tale. When Obama thinks about George Washington, he cannot
forget that Washington owned slaves, and when he quotes from the Declaration
of Independence, drafted by Thomas Jefferson, he cannot forget the hypocrisy
of some patriots who proclaimed the intrinsic equality of all men but kept
in bondage hundreds of thousands of slaves who were kidnapped in Africa and
sold and treated like animals in America.
This does not mean that Obama is disloyal to the United
States, but that his affective ties to the American nation follow different
paths. His patriotism is civic, constitutional, republican. It is based not
on a common emotion but on an intellectual elaboration and certain personal
experiences. He feels American because he shares with almost the entire
nation a language, cultural features, and a way to understand today's social
and political reality, but he knows that his historic DNA contains factors
that differ from those that have traditionally defined the American
mainstream.
According to the polls, Obama today would defeat John
McCain by a margin larger than Hillary Clinton's. I am not sure that that
will be the picture next November, when the elections are held. The ban on
the racial issue has been lifted and the ethnic factor begins to play a very
important role. McCain is the continuer of an old, tribal tradition anchored
in the nation's origins. Obama does not fit that mold. The contest is no
longer a rational dilemma. Emotions, prejudices and perceptions are on the
table. And Obama might hold the losing card.
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